Senior Journalist and author Nalin Verma’s fortnightly column in The AIDEM titled ‘Everything Under The Sun’ continues. This is the third article in the column.
When Power Becomes a Puppet Show
Political discourse in Bihar, even among lay persons, has time and again displayed a tendency to draw from the past with innumerable references to historical and mythical events and personalities. After all, Bihar is the land indelibly linked to legendary and pioneering socio-political political personalities, including Lord Buddha, Emperor Asoka and the master strategist Chanakya. But these days, discourse in this intensely politically aware State is drawing from a western fairy tale, indeed one with political overtones; the story of the proverbial emperor in Hans Christian Andersen’s folktale, who was duped into parading in the naked by some conmen.
Andersen’s The Emperor’s New Clothes, first published alongside The Little Mermaid in Copenhagen, Denmark, on April 7, 1837, has been translated into over 100 languages and adapted into various media. It tells the story of a vain emperor who becomes a subject of ridicule.
In the tale, the emperor, obsessed with extravagant clothing, is deceived by two conmen posing as weavers. They claim to create magnificent garments visible only to the competent and intelligent. The gullible emperor hires them. The “weavers” pretend to work, and officials—starting with the emperor’s trusted minister and ending with the emperor himself—inspect the nonexistent garments, each feigning admiration.
When the conmen announce the suit is ready, they mime dressing the emperor, who proudly parades through the city. The townsfolk, not wanting to appear stupid, play along until a child shouts, “The emperor is wearing nothing at all!” The crowd then realizes the truth, though the emperor, undeterred, continues his procession. The story leaves the fate of the conmen ambiguous.
Drawing a literal and direct comparison between Nitish Kumar and Andersen’s emperor may seem far-fetched. However, Kumar’s reliance on “regents” acting on his behalf due to his apparent inability to govern as an effective Chief Minister can be likened to the conmen who duped the emperor and his subjects.
Tejashwi Yadav vs Proverbial Child
Similarly, Tejashwi Yadav, Kumar’s former deputy and now leader of the opposition in the Bihar Assembly, resembles the child in the story who exposes the façade. Tejashwi Yadav remarked:
“The Honourable Chief Minister is no longer in his senses. Everyone, even in the Janata Dal (United), knows it. He is held hostage by a few politicians serving the Bharatiya Janata Party’s (BJP) interests and corrupt bureaucrats trying to save themselves. They make all the decisions on his behalf. The CM is unaware of what is happening around him. He doesn’t interact with people. His captors merely parade him before the public—it’s all a façade.”
The son of Lalu Prasad Yadav—Nitish Kumar’s long-time friend and comrade before his alignment with the Sangh Parivar in the late 1990s—took his time before explicitly questioning the mental health of his chacha (uncle). Despite his youthful exuberance, Tejashwi Yadav has no record of impolite behaviour, especially with Nitish, even though the latter had dumped him – in a political sense – time and again. Speaking the “truth” publicly involves political risk, and Tejashwi often treads carefully. Even Lalu Yadav, famous for his palpably sharp wit and a rather pronounced penchant for satire, has refrained from commenting on Nitish’s health.
Tejashwi’s remarks about Nitish’s mental state coincided with protests by candidates of the 70th Bihar Public Service Commission (BPSC) examinations. The examinees took to the streets of Patna, alleging irregularities in the examination process and demanding a reexamination. They insisted on meeting only the Chief Minister to press their demands. During this writer’s visit to Patna, the streets resembled a wrestling arena as students clashed with the police. However, it is an open secret that the CM is not in a state to engage directly with the protesters.
Manmohan Singh: The Architect of Nitish’s Political Capital
Ironically, the late Congress Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh played a crucial role in shaping Nitish Kumar’s image as a susashan babu (an epitome of good governance in figurative Hindi expression ), despite Nitish’s alliance with the BJP. Nitish’s rise as Bihar’s Chief Minister in 2005 coincided with the Manmohan Singh-led UPA government (2004–2014), which released sumptuous funds to the State for pro-poor schemes like the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA), food security legislation, and rural electrification initiatives under the Rajiv Gandhi scheme.
The UPA government also provided the Backward Region Grant Fund (BRGF) to Bihar, enabling Nitish to implement transformative measures for the socially and educationally disadvantaged, including extremely backward classes and Dalits. Dr. Singh’s visit to Purnea during the devastating Kosi floods in 2008, along with an immediate relief fund of ₹1,000 crore, underscored his support for Bihar.
Nitish, then in a much stronger position, deftly implemented these central schemes, building infrastructure, enhancing electrification of the State, and appropriating credit for these successes. His effective use of these schemes created a substantial “political capital” that still sustains him. Even his critics acknowledge that Nitish significantly transformed Bihar during the first decade of his tenure. However, a closer analysis reveals that much of this success would have been impossible without Dr. Singh’s fair and visionary leadership.
Relief in Mourning
Incidentally, Dr. Singh’s recent death offered Nitish a brief respite from the turmoil in Bihar. The Chief Minister suspended his pragati yatra, declared seven days of State mourning, and flew to Delhi to pay homage to the late PM. This diversion temporarily shielded him from the unrest on Bihar’s streets.
However, this relief was short-lived, as the protests of the students against an evidently mismanaged BPSC examination are continuing even in the midst of intense police repression. At a different level, he is not getting much support from ally BJP in handling the situation. Even at the centre, he does not have a well meaning and fair governance ally like Manmohan Singh. Today, Nitish faces a very different Prime Minister in Narendra Modi—one adept at “tact, guile, and camouflage.” Nitish must now navigate these challenges in his current diminished state, which starkly contrasts with his former political prime.
Nitish’s “Regents” Versus Andersen’s conmen
In the absence of a transparent expert report on Nitish Kumar’s actual health situation, it is impossible to draw definitive conclusions about his physical or mental condition. Yet, the corridors of power in Patna are buzzing with speculation. Politicians, bureaucrats, and journalists I spoke to largely echoed Tejashwi Yadav’s observations. “There is definitely something unusual with Nitish,” said one local journalist.
What most observers agree upon is that Nitish’s newly empowered “regents” have taken full control of his affairs. These figures frequently seen accompanying him include Dipak Kumar, a retired Chief Secretary of Bihar turned aide, and Vijay Kumar Choudhary, a cabinet minister. Another prominent voice speaking on Nitish’s behalf is Sanjay Jha, a defector from BJP, who now serves as the JD(U)’s Working President. Additionally, a handful of former bureaucrats and politicians from Nitish’s caste are rumoured to bec“assisting” him behind the scenes.
Notably, none of these “regents”—whether they are bureaucrats or politicians—share Nitish Kumar’s ideological roots in socialism. Many believe they were handpicked by Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Home Minister Amit Shah to “manage” Nitish.
In this environment, Tejashwi has shown remarkable courage by publicly stating what others whisper in private. In Andersen’s The Emperor’s New Clothes, a child’s blunt and honest expression exposes the conmen and the emperor’s folly. Could Tejashwi’s words eventually unveil the truth about the Chief Minister and his regents? The assembly elections slated for late 2025 might provide an answer.
There are some political observers and critics, who dismiss the comparison between Nitish’s “regents” and Andersen’s “conmen” as far-fetched. However, large sections of Bihar’s political discourse communities, realise the value of literary allusions and also as to how fiction often acquires a prophetic character in terms of foregrounding social and political happenings. These communities widely agree that folktales, though rooted in specific cultural contexts, possess universal themes. Andersen’s story itself draws from a medieval Spanish collection of 51 cautionary tales, inspired by sources like Aesop’s fables and Persian folklore.
Interestingly, India has its own version of this tale, found in Jinaratna’s Līlāvatīsāra (1283), a summary of the lost anthology Nirvāṇalīlāvatī by Jineśvara (1052). In this rendition, a dishonest merchant named Dhana from Hastināpura deceives the king of Śrāvastī by claiming to weave a supernatural garment invisible to those of illegitimate birth. The king convinced of the garment’s existence, parades through his city. When commoners ask if he has become a naked ascetic, he realizes the scam—but by then, the swindler has fled.
Regardless of the setting, the moral of these folktales is clear: when leaders surround themselves with “yes-men,” and “conmen”, it often leads to absurd and embarrassing outcomes.
