Senior Journalist and author Nalin Verma’s fortnightly column in The AIDEM titled ‘Everything Under The Sun’ continues. As the title suggests this column addresses diverse issues ranging from politics, social issues, culture and literature, all abiding passions of this veteran writer and teacher. This is the 18th article in the column.
On a sultry afternoon in 2015 at Pavan K. Varma’s government bungalow on Strand Road in Patna, I visited the author, diplomat, and political leader to seek guidance on my first book, a collection of Bihar’s folktales. Inside, journalist Paranjoy Guha Thakurta and the late economist Shaibal Gupta were nibbling biscuits, sipping tea, and debating politics with Varma, a prolific writer known for works including a biography of Mirza Ghalib.
The political air was charged. Narendra Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party had swept the 2014 Lok Sabha elections, including in Bihar, stunning Chief Minister Nitish Kumar, a formidable leader who had long viewed Modi as a rival. The seismic impact of Modi’s victory pushed Nitish to reconcile with Lalu Prasad Yadav, his erstwhile foe, after two decades of bitter rivalry. Their newfound alliance, the Mahagathbandhan, aimed to preserve Bihar’s “socialist and secular” ethos ahead of the looming Assembly polls.
As the small gathering discussed Nitish and Lalu’s prospects, a man in his mid-30s with a boyish charm entered Varma’s drawing room. “This is Prashant Kishor,” Varma said, introducing him. Prashant offered me a warm smile. Suddenly, Shaibal Gupta and Harivansh, editor of Prabhat Khabar, who had joined the tea party later, turned to him. “I want to meet you personally,” Shaibal said. “Sir, I’ll visit you at home. I have much to learn from you,” Prashant replied softly.
Prashant was a media enigma. Credited with masterminding Modi’s 2014 campaign, he had now pivoted to strategise for Nitish and Lalu’s Mahagathbandhan, the antithesis of Modi’s politics. Reporters whispered in disbelief: “He’s so young. How has Nitish, wary of Modi, placed such faith in someone so recently aligned with him? Can he really outmaneuver Modi?”
After the guests, including Prashant, departed, Varma shared insights. “Prashant worked on an UN-funded health mission for years before returning to India. He’s sharp, brimming with innovative ideas, and a well-intentioned professional with a keen grasp of politics,” he said, before turning to advise me on crafting a detailed autobiographical introduction for what would become The Greatest Folk Tales of Bihar. That was my only encounter with Prashant.
As a local editor for The Telegraph’s Patna edition and a zealous folklorist, I preferred weaving stories from the people’s perspective, shaped by my travels through Bihar’s fields and streets. Yet, my journalist friends were fixated on Prashant, who resided at Nitish’s 7 Circular Road home and shared an unusually close rapport with the Chief Minister. Unlike the gregarious Lalu, Nitish was famously reserved. That he shared meals and personal space with Prashant, who shunned the spotlight and worked closely with both leaders behind the scenes, was a source of endless fascination. For reporters, meeting Nitish was easier than catching the elusive Prashant. Time rolled by. Prashant strategised polls for the multiple high-profile leaders across India and rose next to Nitish in the latter’s dispensation before leaving him on the issue of Nitish supporting Modi on CAA and NRC.
Abhimanyu of Today’s Mahabharata
A decade after our first meeting, Prashant Kishor, the driving force behind the nascent Jan Suraj Party, has emerged as a formidable adversary to Nitish Kumar’s National Democratic Alliance in Bihar. In his relentless campaign against Nitish, Prashant boldly predicts, “Nitish Kumar’s party won’t win 25 seats. He won’t be CM after November.” His pointed accusations of corruption and grave misconduct have rattled Nitish’s key allies, from JD(U)’s Ashok Choudhary to BJP’s Samrat Choudhary, Mangal Pandey, and Dilip Jaiswal. Armed with irrefutable evidence, Prashant’s charges have left these leaders stunned, with no coherent defense. He asserts that while Nitish, like Manmohan Singh, may not be personally corrupt, he leads Bihar’s most corrupt government ever.
Unfazed by concerns from supporters and journalists about potential backlash, Prashant, who moves without security, declares, “I fear no one. I’d rather fall fighting like Abhimanyu in the Mahabharata than be counted among corrupt politicians. Abhimanyu, though slain, is revered over his killers. I’d choose death over their company.” His unrelenting attacks have left JD(U) and BJP leadership scrambling, with internal fissures emerging as some party members criticise their embattled leaders.
As a folklorist, I see a subtle distinction between the Mahabharata’s Abhimanyu and Prashant, who casts himself as Bihar’s modern Abhimanyu. The 16-year-old son of Arjuna and Subhadra bravely breached the Chakravyuh, a complex military formation, shattering six of its seven layers. Yet, the Kaurava generals—Dronacharya, Karna, and Jayadratha—violated all codes of war to slay him in the final layer, exploiting his youth and inexperience while Arjuna fought elsewhere.
Prashant, however, is no novice. Having strategised for Narendra Modi—India’s most powerful leader—he has also masterminded campaigns for Modi’s rivals: Mamata Banerjee (West Bengal), Uddhav Thackeray (Maharashtra), Amarinder Singh (Punjab), Jagan Mohan Reddy (Andhra Pradesh), Arvind Kejriwal (Delhi), and M.K. Stalin (Tamil Nadu). He even held extensive talks with Sonia and Rahul Gandhi to revive Congress, though the effort fell short. His unparalleled experience in high-stakes political strategy makes him a formidable force, far beyond the reach of local rivals like Ashok Choudhary or Samrat Choudhary, who pale in comparison to Dronacharya or Karna.
Issues and Ideology
Prashant has effectively morphed himself into a passionate padyatree and an ardent communicator to the people from a backroom strategist. He is the toast of the media now.
His greatest asset is his over two-year-long padyatra through Bihar’s villages, an unprecedented engagement with voters in post-Independence north India, reminiscent of Mahatma Gandhi’s Champaran movement a century ago. On October 2, 2024—Gandhi’s birth anniversary—Prashant launched the Jan Suraj Party, with Gandhi’s image at its core, later incorporating B.R. Ambedkar’s.
“Initially, Gandhi inspired our movement,” he explains. “As I traveled, I found Ambedkar’s followers, especially Dalits, disillusioned with the Sangh Parivar. Despite Modi’s success, 60% of Hindus vote against the BJP—followers of Gandhi, Ambedkar, communists, and socialists like Jayaprakash Narayan and Ram Manohar Lohia, alongside Muslims. My goal is to unite these voters with Muslims.”
Prashant’s campaign focuses on Bihar’s pressing issues: mass migration for meager wages of ₹10,000–12,000 monthly, lack of employment, and crumbling education infrastructure. He urges voters to prioritise education and jobs for their children. Rejecting Asaduddin Owaisi’s identity-driven politics, he encourages minorities to move beyond voting for Lalu’s party to block the BJP. Instead, he calls for Hindus and Muslims to join hands under Jan Suraj to dismantle the grip of the Sangh and Hindutva, envisioning a broader, inclusive fight for Bihar’s future.
Dipankar’s Nuanced Criticism
Prashant Kishor has stirred Bihar’s political landscape with explosive revelations, accusing JD(U)’s Ashok Choudhary of amassing property worth ₹500 crore, BJP’s Dilip Jaiswal of seizing a Sikh minority medical college and leveraging government influence for illicit gains, and BJP’s Samrat Choudhary of evading accountability for a massacre of six people by presenting a fraudulent juvenile certificate.
In a striking disclosure, Prashant revealed earning ₹241 crore over three years through his consultancy for political parties and private firms. After paying GST and income tax, he donated ₹99 crore to his Jan Suraj Party, claiming to have staked everything “to liberate Bihar from poverty and backwardness.” His relentless attacks have left opponents in both the Mahagathbandhan and NDA unusually restrained.
However, CPI(ML)-Liberation general secretary Dipankar Bhattacharya offered a measured critique: “BJP-JD(U) ministers facing Prashant’s corruption charges must resign. But Prashant must also clarify how private companies paid him so handsomely for consultations. After leaving political consultancy to join politics and touring Bihar for over two years, how did he find time to earn ₹241 crore?”
Dipankar, a professional revolutionary known for his integrity, operates in a realm unfamiliar to Prashant, who has rarely engaged with communist parties. Conversely, Dipankar may not fully grasp the intricate nexus between corporate interests and power politics that Prashant navigates. This corporate-political interplay, which likely underpins Prashant’s earnings, demands nuanced scrutiny.
For now, Prashant Kishor represents a bold new chapter in Bihar’s political saga, one this column will continue to explore as it unfolds.
Read more from this Series: Everything Under the Sun.
So .. we are seeing the churnings of a new beginning in Bihar politics . Reminds one of NTR’s entry jnto Andhra politics in the 1980s and more recently Arvind Kejriwal in Delhi . But can PK sustain the momentum, especially with his corporate baggage ? That is what we need to know . But till then , keep probing and telling us what it is Nalin sir